At the beginning of the Syrian crisis, several forces on the scene, at the global level; The United States of America and Russia have emerged, regionally; Iran and the Turkish occupying state emerged. Each force has intervened for its own internal and external motives and with different agendas, but the common denominator is greater influence and preparation for the post-war phase, trying to pressure each other to achieve their objectives by holding negotiations.
Through Syria, America sought to limit Iranian influence and break up another country, as it did in Iraq, and to impose a regime of government consistent with the new Middle East project based on reducing the influence of a nation-state that has proven unsuccessful, weakening Israel’s opponents and ensuring its security.
For Russia, Syria was a gateway to return to a multipolar world and establish itself as a superpower with weight in shaping the global order to be mapped; From the Middle-East.
Iran, on the other hand, continued its traditional policy of fighting outside its territory, settling its calculations with the West on Syrian territory and preventing the hell of war from moving within its borders. Syria is also an important passage for the completion of the Shiite Crescent, from Tehran to Baghdad via Damascus and Beirut.
The Syrian war awakened Erdogan’s imperial dreams, and in this decade-long war, he found a precious opportunity to implement Misak-ı Millî to take control of the region from Aleppo in Syria to Kirkuk in Iraq, from there to take control of all of the territory formerly occupied by the Ottoman state.
Internally, the government in Damascus only had to stay in power and restore the situation in the country to what it was before 2011, a central authority that controlled all political, social and economic life.
The common denominator of all these powers is hegemony, all within the limits of the military, economic and technical power they possess.
In all these circumstances, Rojava, and North and East Syria, the only one with a vision and a democratic project, is not greedy for power and influence, but the most important thing is to democratize Syria and to save peoples who had been strangled by authoritarian regimes. diets for centuries.
This project did not like the forces of global and regional hegemony. Even at the level of Kurdistan, the KDP and its extension in Rojava, the Kurdish National Council, have endeavored, and continue to do so, to eliminate the AANES.
Attacks against AANES began with the start of the July 19 revolution in Rojava, via the Ras al-Ain attack and later in 2013 against Afrin.
2014 was the strongest and most violent attack on AANES by a group of mercenaries from Turkey. On September 15, ISIS/Daesh mercenaries attacked Kobani Township from 3 axes. Turkish mercenaries have reached the outskirts of the town of Kobani. The battles took place in a narrow geographical area extending over a few streets and alleys of the besieged city. However, the resistance of women fighters and fighters, the general alarm declared by the leader Abdullah Ocalan and the participation of women fighters and fighters from all over Kurdistan. After 134 days of resistance, Kobani was completely liberated on January 26, 2015.
With the first strike against ISIS mercenaries, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), formed in October 2015, launched successive liberation campaigns in various parts of northern and eastern Syria.
With these successive victories and the announcement of AANES, and its brilliance in Syria and in the world, the dominant countries, first of all the occupying Turkish state, moved from war by agents to direct intervention, after their agents failed to carry out their destructive plans. .
In 2016, after the Manbij Military Council (MMC) liberated the area from ISIS/Daesh mercenaries on August 12 and officially declared victory on August 15, Turkey began to directly occupy Syrian territory , more precisely on August 24th. 2016. The Turkish offensive began in conjunction with the visit of US Vice President John McCain, and a day earlier, August 23rd, when KDP officials met with officials of the Turkish occupying state.
With this attack and the Turkish occupation of the Jarablous region, after which Azaz, al-Bab and large parts of Idlib province, the true intentions of the Turkish state began to crystallize. “Bringing down the regime” was not Turkey’s first, when the features of a democratic project began to emerge near it.
But Turkey alone has not been able to occupy an inch of Syrian territory without the direct consent of the two great powers, America and Russia.
Just before the Turkish attack on Afrin, Turkey delivered the necks of its mercenaries in Eastern Ghouta and the Duma to Russian warplanes and artillery from Damascus which caused massive destruction and demolished houses above from the heads of its inhabitants.
On January 20, 2018, when the Turkish offensive began, Russian forces withdrew from Afrin and opened the air to Turkish warplanes to carry out massacres.
Russian complicity went beyond the question of coordination with the Turkish occupying state, using all its weight to prevent any eventual agreement between AANES and the government of Damascus; defend Afrin together. This explains the Damascus government’s reluctance as well as its push for uniform forces close to Iran and the lack of uniform force involvement or dispatch of any logistical support. When a few dozen uniformed forces were sent directly targeted by the Turkish occupying power, dozens were killed in their ranks, but Russia did not lift a finger.
As for the United States of America, their position was clear and in no way sought to stop the Turkish offensive; he silently supported it, saying it did not interfere in areas west of the Euphrates. This US argument was quickly exposed when former US President Donald Trump intervened directly to stop a Russian military attack on Idlib, also west of the Euphrates.
As for the European Union, its reactions did not go beyond declarations which were only within the framework of the registration of positions. At the Arab level, there was no predominant position except that of Egypt. Even the League of Arab States, which condemned the Turkish offensive, and Qatar, which is Turkey’s partner in supporting the mercenary groups, failed to translate their positions into concrete actions.
Under such circumstances, the Turkish attack on Afrin began. The majority expected Afrin to fall within days to NATO‘s second strongest army, armed with advanced weaponry and backed by some 25,000 mercenaries, as well as hundreds of special forces troops. Turkish.
Despite all this, Afrin resisted its military forces and its people for 58 days. On March 18, 2018, Turkey occupied the canton of Afrin, and in October 2019, it occupied the canton of Tal Abyed and the region of Ras al-Ain.
Turkey occupied these areas, but the AANES project did not fall and remained in place, and people in northern and eastern Syria and Syria generally believed that self-protection was a guarantee of victory and that dependence on the dominant powers brought only destruction.